I believe it is difficult for those who publish their own memoirs to
  escape the imputation of vanity; nor is this the only disadvantage
  under which they labour: it is also their misfortune, that what is
  uncommon is rarely, if ever, believed, and what is obvious we are apt
  to turn from with disgust, and to charge the writer with impertinence.
  People generally think those memoirs only worthy to be read or
  remembered which abound in great or striking events, those, in short,
  which in a high degree excite either admiration or pity: all others
  they consign to contempt and oblivion. It is therefore, I confess, not
  a little hazardous in a private and obscure individual, and a stranger
  too, thus to solicit the indulgent attention of the public; especially
  when I own I offer here the history of neither a saint, a hero, nor a
  tyrant. I believe there are few events in my life, which have not
  happened to many: it is true the incidents of it are numerous; and,
  did I consider myself an European, I might say my sufferings were
  great: but when I compare my lot with that of most of my countrymen, I
  regard myself as a _particular favourite of Heaven_, and acknowledge
  the mercies of Providence in every occurrence of my life. If then the
  following narrative does not appear sufficiently interesting to engage
  general attention, let my motive be some excuse for its publication. I
  am not so foolishly vain as to expect from it either immortality or
  literary reputation. If it affords any satisfaction to my numerous
  friends, at whose request it has been written, or in the smallest
  degree promotes the interests of humanity, the ends for which it was
  undertaken will be fully attained, and every wish of my heart
  gratified. Let it therefore be remembered, that, in wishing to avoid
  censure, I do not aspire to praise.
  That part of Africa, known by the name of Guinea, to which the trade
  for slaves is carried on, extends along the coast above 3400 miles,
  from the Senegal to Angola, and includes a variety of kingdoms. Of
  these the most considerable is the kingdom of Benen, both as to extent
  and wealth, the richness and cultivation of the soil, the power of its
  king, and the number and warlike disposition of the inhabitants. It is
  situated nearly under the line, and extends along the coast about 170
  miles, but runs back into the interior part of Africa to a distance
  hitherto I believe unexplored by any traveller; and seems only
  terminated at length by the empire of Abyssinia, near 1500 miles from
  its beginning. This kingdom is divided into many provinces or
  districts: in one of the most remote and fertile of which, called
  Eboe, I was born, in the year 1745, in a charming fruitful vale, named
  Essaka. The distance of this province from the capital of Benin and
  the sea coast must be very considerable; for I had never heard of
  white men or Europeans, nor of the sea: and our subjection to the king
  of Benin was little more than nominal; for every transaction of the
  government, as far as my slender observation extended, was conducted
  by the chiefs or elders of the place. The manners and government of a
  people who have little commerce with other countries are generally
  very simple; and the history of what passes in one family or village
  may serve as a specimen of a nation. My father was one of those elders
  or chiefs I have spoken of, and was styled Embrenche; a term, as I
  remember, importing the highest distinction, and signifying in our
  language a _mark_ of grandeur. This mark is conferred on the person
  entitled to it, by cutting the skin across at the top of the forehead,
  and drawing it down to the eye-brows; and while it is in this
  situation applying a warm hand, and rubbing it until it shrinks up
  into a thick _weal_ across the lower part of the forehead. Most of the
  judges and senators were thus marked; my father had long born it: I
  had seen it conferred on one of my brothers, and I was also
  _destined_ to receive it by my parents. Those Embrence, or chief men,
  decided disputes and punished crimes; for which purpose they always
  assembled together. The proceedings were generally short; and in most
  cases the law of retaliation prevailed. I remember a man was brought
  before my father, and the other judges, for kidnapping a boy; and,
  although he was the son of a chief or senator, he was condemned to
  make recompense by a man or woman slave. Adultery, however, was
  sometimes punished with slavery or death; a punishment which I believe
  is inflicted on it throughout most of the nations of Africa[A]: so
  sacred among them is the honour of the marriage bed, and so jealous
  are they of the fidelity of their wives. Of this I recollect an
  instance:--a woman was convicted before the judges of adultery, and
  delivered over, as the custom was, to her husband to be punished.
  Accordingly he determined to put her to death: but it being found,
  just before her execution, that she had an infant at her breast; and
  no woman being prevailed on to perform the part of a nurse, she was
  spared on account of the child. The men, however, do not preserve the
  same constancy to their wives, which they expect from them; for they
  indulge in a plurality, though seldom in more than two. Their mode of
  marriage is thus:--both parties are usually betrothed when young by
  their parents,
though I have known the males to betroth themselves
.
  On this occasion a feast is prepared, and the bride and bridegroom
  stand up in the midst of all their friends, who are assembled for the
  purpose, while he declares she is thenceforth to be looked upon as his
  wife, and that no other person is to pay any addresses to her. This is
  also immediately proclaimed in the vicinity, on which the bride
  retires from the assembly. Some time after she is brought home to her
  husband, and then another feast is made, to which the relations of
  both parties are invited: her parents then deliver her to the
  bridegroom, accompanied with a number of blessings, and at the same
  time they tie round her waist a cotton string of the thickness of a
  goose-quill, which none but married women are permitted to wear: she
  is now considered as completely his wife; and at this time the dowry
  is given to the new married pair, which generally consists of portions
  of land, slaves, and cattle, household goods, and implements of
  husbandry. These are offered by the friends of both parties; besides
  which the parents of the bridegroom present gifts to those of the
  bride, whose property she is looked upon before marriage; but after it
  she is esteemed the sole property of her husband. The ceremony being
  now ended the festival begins, which is celebrated with bonefires, and
  loud acclamations of joy, accompanied with music and dancing.
  We are almost a nation of dancers, musicians, and poets. Thus every
  great event, such as a triumphant return from battle, or other cause
  of public rejoicing is celebrated in public dances, which are
  accompanied with songs and music suited to the occasion. The assembly
  is separated into four divisions, which dance either apart or in
  succession, and each with a character peculiar to itself. The first
  division contains the married men, who in their dances frequently
  exhibit feats of arms, and the representation of a battle. To these
  succeed the married women, who dance in the second division. The young
  men occupy the third; and the maidens the fourth. Each represents some
  interesting scene of real life, such as a great achievement, domestic
  employment, a pathetic story, or some rural sport; and as the subject
  is generally founded on some recent event, it is therefore ever new.
  This gives our dances a spirit and variety which I have scarcely seen
  elsewhere[B]. We have many musical instruments, particularly drums of
  different kinds, a piece of music which resembles a guitar, and
  another much like a stickado. These last are chiefly used by betrothed
  virgins, who play on them on all grand festivals.
  As our manners are simple, our luxuries are few. The dress of both
  sexes is nearly the same. It generally consists of a long piece of
  callico, or muslin, wrapped loosely round the body, somewhat in the
  form of a highland plaid. This is usually dyed blue, which is our
  favourite colour. It is extracted from a berry, and is brighter and
  richer than any I have seen in Europe. Besides this, our women of
  distinction wear golden ornaments; which they dispose with some
  profusion on their arms and legs. When our women are not employed with
  the men in tillage, their usual occupation is spinning and weaving
  cotton, which they afterwards dye, and make it into garments. They
  also manufacture earthen vessels, of which we have many kinds. Among
  the rest tobacco pipes, made after the same fashion, and used in the
  same manner, as those in Turkey[C].
  Our manner of living is entirely plain; for as yet the natives are
  unacquainted with those refinements in cookery which debauch the
  taste: bullocks, goats, and poultry, supply the greatest part of their
  food. These constitute likewise the principal wealth of the country,
  and the chief articles of its commerce. The flesh is usually stewed in
  a pan; to make it savoury we sometimes use also pepper, and other
  spices, and we have salt made of wood ashes. Our vegetables are mostly
  plantains, eadas, yams, beans, and Indian corn. The head of the family
  usually eats alone; his wives and slaves have also their separate
  tables. Before we taste food we always wash our hands: indeed our
  cleanliness on all occasions is extreme; but on this it is an
  indispensable ceremony. After washing, libation is made, by pouring
  out a small portion of the food, in a certain place, for the spirits
  of departed relations, which the natives suppose to preside over their
  conduct, and guard them from evil. They are totally unacquainted with
  strong or spirituous liquours; and their principal beverage is palm
  wine. This is gotten from a tree of that name by tapping it at the
  top, and fastening a large gourd to it; and sometimes one tree will
  yield three or four gallons in a night. When just drawn it is of a
  most delicious sweetness; but in a few days it acquires a tartish and
  more spirituous flavour: though I never saw any one intoxicated by it.
  The same tree also produces nuts and oil. Our principal luxury is in
  perfumes; one sort of these is an odoriferous wood of delicious
  fragrance: the other a kind of earth; a small portion of which thrown
  into the fire diffuses a most powerful odour[D]. We beat this wood
  into powder, and mix it with palm oil; with which both men and women
  perfume themselves.
  In our buildings we study convenience rather than ornament. Each
  master of a family has a large square piece of ground, surrounded with
  a moat or fence, or enclosed with a wall made of red earth tempered;
  which, when dry, is as hard as brick. Within this are his houses to
  accommodate his family and slaves; which, if numerous, frequently
  present the appearance of a village. In the middle stands the
  principal building, appropriated to the sole use of the master, and
  consisting of two apartments; in one of which he sits in the day with
  his family, the other is left apart for the reception of his friends.
  He has besides these a distinct apartment in which he sleeps, together
  with his male children. On each side are the apartments of his wives,
  who have also their separate day and night houses. The habitations of
  the slaves and their families are distributed throughout the rest of
  the enclosure. These houses never exceed one story in height: they are
  always built of wood, or stakes driven into the ground, crossed with
  wattles, and neatly plastered within, and without. The roof is
  thatched with reeds. Our day-houses are left open at the sides; but
  those in which we sleep are always covered, and plastered in the
  inside, with a composition mixed with cow-dung, to keep off the
  different insects, which annoy us during the night. The walls and
  floors also of these are generally covered with mats. Our beds consist
  of a platform, raised three or four feet from the ground, on which are
  laid skins, and different parts of a spungy tree called plaintain. Our
  covering is calico or muslin, the same as our dress. The usual seats
  are a few logs of wood; but we have benches, which are generally
  perfumed, to accommodate strangers: these compose the greater part of
  our household furniture. Houses so constructed and furnished require
  but little skill to erect them. Every man is a sufficient architect
  for the purpose. The whole neighbourhood afford their unanimous
  assistance in building them and in return receive, and expect no other
  recompense than a feast.
  As we live in a country where nature is prodigal of her favours, our
  wants are few and easily supplied; of course we have few manufactures.
  They consist for the most part of calicoes, earthern ware, ornaments,
  and instruments of war and husbandry. But these make no part of our
  commerce, the principal articles of which, as I have observed, are
  provisions. In such a state money is of little use; however we have
  some small pieces of coin, if I may call them such. They are made
  something like an anchor; but I do not remember either their value or
  denomination. We have also markets, at which I have been frequently
  with my mother. These are sometimes visited by stout mahogany-coloured
  men from the south west of us: we call them Oye-Eboe, which term
  signifies red men living at a distance. They generally bring us
  fire-arms, gunpowder, hats, beads, and dried fish. The last we
  esteemed a great rarity, as our waters were only brooks and springs.
  These articles they barter with us for odoriferous woods and earth,
  and our salt of wood ashes. They always carry slaves through our land;
  but the strictest account is exacted of their manner of procuring them
  before they are suffered to pass. Sometimes indeed we sold slaves to
  them, but they were only prisoners of war, or such among us as had
  been convicted of kidnapping, or adultery, and some other crimes,
  which we esteemed heinous. This practice of kidnapping induces me to
  think, that, notwithstanding all our strictness, their principal
  business among us was to trepan our people. I remember too they
  carried great sacks along with them, which not long after I had an
  opportunity of fatally seeing applied to that infamous purpose.
  Our land is uncommonly rich and fruitful, and produces all kinds of
  vegetables in great abundance. We have plenty of Indian corn, and vast
  quantities of cotton and tobacco. Our pine apples grow without
  culture; they are about the size of the largest sugar-loaf, and finely
  flavoured. We have also spices of different kinds, particularly
  pepper; and a variety of delicious fruits which I have never seen in
  Europe; together with gums of various kinds, and honey in abundance.
  All our industry is exerted to improve those blessings of nature.
  Agriculture is our chief employment; and every one, even the children
  and women, are engaged in it. Thus we are all habituated to labour
  from our earliest years. Every one contributes something to the common
  stock; and as we are unacquainted with idleness, we have no beggars.
  The benefits of such a mode of living are obvious. The West India
  planters prefer the slaves of Benin or Eboe to those of any other part
  of Guinea, for their hardiness, intelligence, integrity, and zeal.
  Those benefits are felt by us in the general healthiness of the
  people, and in their vigour and activity; I might have added too in
  their comeliness. Deformity is indeed unknown amongst us, I mean that
  of shape. Numbers of the natives of Eboe now in London might be
  brought in support of this assertion: for, in regard to complexion,
  ideas of beauty are wholly relative. I remember while in Africa to
  have seen three negro children, who were tawny, and another quite
  white, who were universally regarded by myself, and the natives in
  general, as far as related to their complexions, as deformed. Our
  women too were in my eyes at least uncommonly graceful, alert, and
  modest to a degree of bashfulness; nor do I remember to have ever
  heard of an instance of incontinence amongst them before marriage.
  They are also remarkably cheerful. Indeed cheerfulness and affability
  are two of the leading characteristics of our nation.
  Our tillage is exercised in a large plain or common, some hours walk
  from our dwellings, and all the neighbours resort thither in a body.
  They use no beasts of husbandry; and their only instruments are hoes,
  axes, shovels, and beaks, or pointed iron to dig with. Sometimes we
  are visited by locusts, which come in large clouds, so as to darken
  the air, and destroy our harvest. This however happens rarely, but
  when it does, a famine is produced by it. I remember an instance or
  two wherein this happened. This common is often the theatre of war;
  and therefore when our people go out to till their land, they not only
  go in a body, but generally take their arms with them for fear of a
  surprise; and when they apprehend an invasion they guard the avenues
  to their dwellings, by driving sticks into the ground, which are so
  sharp at one end as to pierce the foot, and are generally dipt in
  poison. From what I can recollect of these battles, they appear to
  have been irruptions of one little state or district on the other, to
  obtain prisoners or booty. Perhaps they were incited to this by those
  traders who brought the European goods I mentioned amongst us. Such a
  mode of obtaining slaves in Africa is common; and I believe more are
  procured this way, and by kidnapping, than any other[E]. When a trader
  wants slaves, he applies to a chief for them, and tempts him with his
  wares. It is not extraordinary, if on this occasion he yields to the
  temptation with as little firmness, and accepts the price of his
  fellow creatures liberty with as little reluctance as the enlightened
  merchant. Accordingly he falls on his neighbours, and a desperate
  battle ensues. If he prevails and takes prisoners, he gratifies his
  avarice by selling them; but, if his party be vanquished, and he falls
  into the hands of the enemy, he is put to death: for, as he has been
  known to foment their quarrels, it is thought dangerous to let him
  survive, and no ransom can save him, though all other prisoners may be
  redeemed. We have fire-arms, bows and arrows, broad two-edged swords
  and javelins: we have shields also which cover a man from head to
  foot. All are taught the use of these weapons; even our women are
  warriors, and march boldly out to fight along with the men. Our whole
  district is a kind of militia: on a certain signal given, such as the
  firing of a gun at night, they all rise in arms and rush upon their
  enemy. It is perhaps something remarkable, that when our people march
  to the field a red flag or banner is borne before them. I was once a
  witness to a battle in our common. We had been all at work in it one
  day as usual, when our people were suddenly attacked. I climbed a tree
  at some distance, from which I beheld the fight. There were many women
  as well as men on both sides; among others my mother was there, and
  armed with a broad sword. After fighting for a considerable time with
  great fury, and after many had been killed our people obtained the
  victory, and took their enemy's Chief prisoner. He was carried off in
  great triumph, and, though he offered a large ransom for his life, he
  was put to death. A virgin of note among our enemies had been slain in
  the battle, and her arm was exposed in our market-place, where our
  trophies were always exhibited. The spoils were divided according to
  the merit of the warriors. Those prisoners which were not sold or
  redeemed we kept as slaves: but how different was their condition from
  that of the slaves in the West Indies! With us they do no more work
  than other members of the community, even their masters; their food,
  clothing and lodging were nearly the same as theirs,
except that they
  were not permitted to eat with those who were free-born
; and there
  was scarce any other difference between them, than a superior degree
  of importance which the head of a family possesses in our state, and
  that authority which, as such, he exercises over every part of his
  household. Some of these slaves have even slaves under them as their
  own property, and for their own use.
  As to religion, the natives believe that there is one Creator of all
  things, and that he lives in the sun, and is girted round with a belt
  that he may never eat or drink; but, according to some, he smokes a
  pipe, which is our own favourite luxury. They believe he governs
  events, especially our deaths or captivity; but, as for the doctrine
  of eternity, I do not remember to have ever heard of it: some however
  believe in the transmigration of souls in a certain degree. Those
  spirits, which are not transmigrated, such as our dear friends or
  relations, they believe always attend them, and guard them from the
  bad spirits or their foes. For this reason they always before eating,
  as I have observed, put some small portion of the meat, and pour some
  of their drink, on the ground for them; and they often make oblations
  of the blood of beasts or fowls at their graves. I was very fond of my
  mother, and almost constantly with her. When she went to make these
  oblations at her mother's tomb, which was a kind of small solitary
  thatched house, I sometimes attended her. There she made her
  libations, and spent most of the night in cries and lamentations. I
  have been often extremely terrified on these occasions. The loneliness
  of the place, the darkness of the night, and the ceremony of libation,
  naturally awful and gloomy, were heightened by my mother's
  lamentations; and these, concuring with the cries of doleful birds, by
  which these places were frequented, gave an inexpressible terror to
  the scene.
  We compute the year from the day on which the sun crosses the line,
  and on its setting that evening there is a general shout throughout
  the land; at least I can speak from my own knowledge throughout our
  vicinity. The people at the same time make a great noise with rattles,
  not unlike the basket rattles used by children here, though much
  larger, and hold up their hands to heaven for a blessing. It is then
  the greatest offerings are made; and those children whom our wise men
  foretel will be fortunate are then presented to different people. I
  remember many used to come to see me, and I was carried about to
  others for that purpose. They have many offerings, particularly at
  full moons; generally two at harvest before the fruits are taken out
  of the ground: and when any young animals are killed, sometimes they
  offer up part of them as a sacrifice. These offerings, when made by
  one of the heads of a family, serve for the whole. I remember we often
  had them at my father's and my uncle's, and their families have been
  present. Some of our offerings are eaten with bitter herbs. We had a
  saying among us to any one of a cross temper, 'That if they were to be
  eaten, they should be eaten with bitter herbs.'
  We practised circumcision like the Jews, and made offerings and feasts
  on that occasion in the same manner as they did. Like them also, our
  children were named from some event, some circumstance, or fancied
  foreboding at the time of their birth. I was named _Olaudah_, which,
  in our language, signifies vicissitude or fortune also, one favoured,
  and having a loud voice and well spoken. I remember we never polluted
  the name of the object of our adoration; on the contrary, it was
  always mentioned with the greatest reverence; and we were totally
  unacquainted with swearing, and all those terms of abuse and reproach
  which find their way so readily and copiously into the languages of
  more civilized people. The only expressions of that kind I remember
  were 'May you rot, or may you swell, or may a beast take you.'
  I have before remarked that the natives of this part of Africa are
  extremely cleanly. This necessary habit of decency was with us a part
  of religion, and therefore we had many purifications and washings;
  indeed almost as many, and used on the same occasions, if my
  recollection does not fail me, as the Jews. Those that touched the
  dead at any time were obliged to wash and purify themselves before
  they could enter a dwelling-house. Every woman too, at certain times,
  was forbidden to come into a dwelling-house, or touch any person, or
  any thing we ate. I was so fond of my mother I could not keep from
  her, or avoid touching her at some of those periods, in consequence of
  which I was obliged to be kept out with her, in a little house made
  for that purpose, till offering was made, and then we were purified.
  Though we had no places of public worship, we had priests and
  magicians, or wise men. I do not remember whether they had different
  offices, or whether they were united in the same persons, but they
  were held in great reverence by the people. They calculated our time,
  and foretold events, as their name imported, for we called them
  Ah-affoe-way-cah, which signifies calculators or yearly men, our year
  being called Ah-affoe. They wore their beards, and when they died they
  were succeeded by their sons. Most of their implements and things of
  value were interred along with them. Pipes and tobacco were also put
  into the grave with the corpse, which was always perfumed and
  ornamented, and animals were offered in sacrifice to them. None
  accompanied their funerals but those of the same profession or tribe.
  These buried them after sunset, and always returned from the grave by
  a different way from that which they went.
  These magicians were also our doctors or physicians. They practised
  bleeding by cupping; and were very successful in healing wounds and
  expelling poisons. They had likewise some extraordinary method of
  discovering jealousy, theft, and poisoning; the success of which no
  doubt they derived from their unbounded influence over the credulity
  and superstition of the people. I do not remember what those methods
  were, except that as to poisoning: I recollect an instance or two,
  which I hope it will not be deemed impertinent here to insert, as it
  may serve as a kind of specimen of the rest, and is still used by the
  negroes in the West Indies. A virgin had been poisoned, but it was not
  known by whom: the doctors ordered the corpse to be taken up by some
  persons, and carried to the grave. As soon as the bearers had raised
  it on their shoulders, they seemed seized with some[F] sudden
  impulse, and ran to and fro unable to stop themselves. At last, after
  having passed through a number of thorns and prickly bushes unhurt,
  the corpse fell from them close to a house, and defaced it in the
  fall; and, the owner being taken up, he immediately confessed the
  poisoning[G].
  The natives are extremely cautious about poison. When they buy any
  eatable the seller kisses it all round before the buyer, to shew him
  it is not poisoned; and the same is done when any meat or drink is
  presented, particularly to a stranger. We have serpents of different
  kinds, some of which are esteemed ominous when they appear in our
  houses, and these we never molest. I remember two of those ominous
  snakes, each of which was as thick as the calf of a man's leg, and in
  colour resembling a dolphin in the water, crept at different times
  into my mother's night-house, where I always lay with her, and coiled
  themselves into folds, and each time they crowed like a cock. I was
  desired by some of our wise men to touch these, that I might be
  interested in the good omens, which I did, for they were quite
  harmless, and would tamely suffer themselves to be handled; and then
  they were put into a large open earthen pan, and set on one side of
  the highway. Some of our snakes, however, were poisonous: one of them
  crossed the road one day when I was standing on it, and passed between
  my feet without offering to touch me, to the great surprise of many
  who saw it; and these incidents were accounted by the wise men, and
  therefore by my mother and the rest of the people, as remarkable omens
  in my favour.
  Such is the imperfect sketch my memory has furnished me with of the
  manners and customs of a people among whom I first drew my breath. And
  here I cannot forbear suggesting what has long struck me very
  forcibly, namely, the strong analogy which even by this sketch,
  imperfect as it is, appears to prevail in the manners and customs of
  my countrymen and those of the Jews, before they reached the Land of
  Promise, and particularly the patriarchs while they were yet in that
  pastoral state which is described in Genesis--an analogy, which alone
  would induce me to think that the one people had sprung from the
  other. Indeed this is the opinion of Dr. Gill, who, in his commentary
  on Genesis, very ably deduces the pedigree of the Africans from Afer
  and Afra, the descendants of Abraham by Keturah his wife and concubine
  
for both these titles are applied to her
. It is also conformable to
  the sentiments of Dr. John Clarke, formerly Dean of Sarum, in his
  Truth of the Christian Religion: both these authors concur in
  ascribing to us this original. The reasonings of these gentlemen are
  still further confirmed by the scripture chronology; and if any
  further corroboration were required, this resemblance in so many
  respects is a strong evidence in support of the opinion. Like the
  Israelites in their primitive state, our government was conducted by
  our chiefs or judges, our wise men and elders; and the head of a
  family with us enjoyed a similar authority over his household with
  that which is ascribed to Abraham and the other patriarchs. The law of
  retaliation obtained almost universally with us as with them: and even
  their religion appeared to have shed upon us a ray of its glory,
  though broken and spent in its passage, or eclipsed by the cloud with
  which time, tradition, and ignorance might have enveloped it; for we
  had our circumcision
a rule I believe peculiar to that people:
we
  had also our sacrifices and burnt-offerings, our washings and
  purifications, on the same occasions as they had.
  As to the difference of colour between the Eboan Africans and the
  modern Jews, I shall not presume to account for it. It is a subject
  which has engaged the pens of men of both genius and learning, and is
  far above my strength. The most able and Reverend Mr. T. Clarkson,
  however, in his much admired Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the
  Human Species, has ascertained the cause, in a manner that at once
  solves every objection on that account, and, on my mind at least, has
  produced the fullest conviction. I shall therefore refer to that
  performance for the theory[H], contenting myself with extracting a
  fact as related by Dr. Mitchel[I]. "The Spaniards, who have inhabited
  America, under the torrid zone, for any time, are become as dark
  coloured as our native Indians of Virginia; of which _I myself have
  been a witness_." There is also another instance[J] of a Portuguese
  settlement at Mitomba, a river in Sierra Leona; where the inhabitants
  are bred from a mixture of the first Portuguese discoverers with the
  natives, and are now become in their complexion, and in the woolly
  quality of their hair, _perfect negroes_, retaining however a
  smattering of the Portuguese language.
  These instances, and a great many more which might be adduced, while
  they shew how the complexions of the same persons vary in different
  climates, it is hoped may tend also to remove the prejudice that some
  conceive against the natives of Africa on account of their colour.
  Surely the minds of the Spaniards did not change with their
  complexions! Are there not causes enough to which the apparent
  inferiority of an African may be ascribed, without limiting the
  goodness of God, and supposing he forbore to stamp understanding on
  certainly his own image, because "carved in ebony." Might it not
  naturally be ascribed to their situation? When they come among
  Europeans, they are ignorant of their language, religion, manners, and
  customs. Are any pains taken to teach them these? Are they treated as
  men? Does not slavery itself depress the mind, and extinguish all its
  fire and every noble sentiment? But, above all, what advantages do not
  a refined people possess over those who are rude and uncultivated. Let
  the polished and haughty European recollect that his ancestors were
  once, like the Africans, uncivilized, and even barbarous. Did Nature
  make _them_ inferior to their sons? and should _they too_ have been
  made slaves? Every rational mind answers, No. Let such reflections as
  these melt the pride of their superiority into sympathy for the wants
  and miseries of their sable brethren, and compel them to acknowledge,
  that understanding is not confined to feature or colour. If, when they
  look round the world, they feel exultation, let it be tempered with
  benevolence to others, and gratitude to God, "who hath made of one
  blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth[K];
  and whose wisdom is not our wisdom, neither are our ways his ways."
